The President of the Government, Pedro Sánchez, apparently has problems multiplying. And what is coming, according to the information circulating from judicial and police media, is not going to improve the situation, neither in terms of what affects Carles Puigdemont’s compliance with the socialist concessions, despite the approval of the amnesty, nor for the evolution of the two cases that put pressure on the PSOE and the president’s personal environment, the plot whose main target is Ábalos’ former advisor on Transport, Koldo García, and the “Begoña Gómez case.”
Madrid is a hotbed of rumors and speculation about what is to come of open judicial investigations, how the amnesty law will be applied and whether or not Puigdemont will be able to return to Catalonia in the coming days without fearing his arrest. The analysis made of the state of health of the socialists is bad and, however, there is also a question that weighs on members of the PSOE, such as the PNV, and on the main opposition party: how is it possible that, despite to all the decisions and rectifications, and despite the erosion that the PSOE acronym has suffered in recent years, can Sánchez endure an electoral base that moves around 30% of the vote?
Despite the popular leadership, its main problem continues to be the party of Santiago Abascal, about which they make a reflection similar to what is heard regarding the socialist acronyms: How is it possible that Vox continues to maintain its percentage of the vote, around 10%, when other elections have already served to prove that the division of the right is a guarantee of Sánchez’s continuity in Moncloa?
After this last electoral process, and with the expectation that there may be general elections at the latest by the spring of next year, the discussion has once again been reopened in the PP about what is the way to drown Vox, with the advantage , for finding a positive element, that these reflections or debates are not yet generating interference in public, unlike what happened in Pablo Casado’s stage.
The two positions that lead the collision can be symbolized by the president of the Community of Madrid, Isabel Díaz Ayuso, and the president of the Junta de Andalucía, Juan Manuel Moreno. And in the middle is the president of the party, Alberto Núñez Feijóo, who on some occasions cannot avoid ending up being overshadowed by the strength and daring of the Madrid woman’s speech.
The PP must balance its position before Vox and before the socialist plan to stir up fear of the extreme right
There are more communities, not just Andalusia, that think that anything that involves giving life to Sánchez’s effective mantra about the right-wing triumvirate goes against their interests, once Moncloa is already working to bring the figure into the equation. of Alvise Pérez, leader of Se Acabó la Fiesta, and who has several convictions on his resume for spreading hoaxes.
There are details that may seem insignificant, but outside of Madrid – in Galicia, Castilla y León and Castilla-La Mancha – they squeak., like the fact that in the confrontation between the Minister of Transport and Vito Quiles, Alvise Pérez’s press chief, the top leadership of the party came out in a rush to attack Óscar Puente. This gave rise to the left to use the slogan of the right-wing triumvirate to accuse the PP of being in alliance with Quiles, investigated by a court in Seville for alleged insults and slander due to a complaint filed by the general secretary of Facua, Rubén Sánchez. .
Ayuso’s strategy to occupy all of Vox’s space in Madrid is a way to pave the way towards a new absolute majority. But it’s fair the opposite path so that the PP can raise its electoral expectations in Andalusia or in other communities.
Finding the balance point is complicatedwhen every day the Moncloa machinery works so that the identification of the PP with the acronyms that are on its right does not disappear from the imagination of the left as the only mobilizing element.
The PP “is squeezed by Vox’s shoe” –definition of a former minister of the party– because it is not at all clear, no matter how much they insist otherwise in Moncloa, that there will not be elections in a few months. This requires them to be correct in the position they adopt against Vox and against the socialist strategy of stirring up fear of the extreme right.
If in Genoa they listened more to what they say in other baronies of the party, the strategic line would not move from a policy of confrontation with those of Abascal, avoiding supporting any of his proposals just out of fear of what the right-wing electorate will say. And this maxim should also be applied in the autonomous coalition governments, without getting lost in debates that Abascal’s encourage because it is fertile ground for them, such as the discussion on Francoism.
In the PP they also view with suspicion the power that the director of GAD3, Narciso Michavila, continues to have.in the composition of the social and demographic analysis on which the leadership defines its lines of political and parliamentary action, and the axes of his speech. They believe that there is no more time to lose to learn from mistakes, to expand the voices that participate in the storm of ideas that must every day anticipate what the socialists will do, and they see it as a mistake to trust everything “to the same guru.”